Bishops in Massachusetts came out against the expanded gambling plan in 2011. They claimed that it would encourage predatory practices that might fundamentally transform communities in the state.

However, the bishops recognized in the same statement that the Catholic Church did allow games of chance. Admittedly, the Church itself is a gambler, as evidenced by its well-publicized use of bingo games to supplement parish funds. Nowadays, it’s easy for people to gamble either on online casino platform such as casinosjungle.com or in physical establishment.

Gambling is discussed in the Catholic theology as part of a larger discussion of the Seventh Commandment, “Thou Shalt Not Steal.”

It states unequivocally that games of chance in and of themselves are not contradictory to morality. It does add a strong qualifier that gambling can become morally reprehensible however. This is in the instance of depriving someone of what is required to provide for his own and others’ needs.

When it comes to meeting the needs of others, Catholicism has a lot to say. The Catholic tradition of social thinking makes it plainly clear that the assets we have are not just ours, but are shared with others.

Pope Francis has repeatedly emphasized this idea. He has referenced Saint John Chrysostom, who said that not to share one’s goods with the poor is to steal them and deprive them of life. It is their goods that we have, not ours.

Money has long been a source of uncertainty for Catholics. On the one hand, the wealthy have had the same privileges in Catholicism as they have in any other religion. The wealthy have more access to power and influence, as well as easier access to annulments.

Poverty, on the other hand, is one of the most venerated virtues in the Catholic faith.

The virtues of the saints are often said to be discovered in their poverty. Poverty, along with chastity and obedience, is one of the vows that members of monastic organizations must take.

When it comes to public policy, Catholicism’s stance on casino gambling has typically been to make sure it doesn’t go too far.

The bishops of Pennsylvania took this stance when they addressed the issue of riverboat gambling.

The message was clear: you can gamble, but only if you’re careful. Do so with caution and within reasonable boundaries. This is the default Catholic viewpoint. Pope Francis has a strong stance on our responsibility to those in need. For that reason it’s difficult to see how gambling of any kind can be justified. Especially given that the money we casually wager is not ours alone.

Of course, at the heart of the Catholics and casino gambling debate is the question of how much Catholic ideals should be codified in civil law. The Massachusetts bishops have framed the gambling debate in terms of Catholic social teaching; but also as a broader context that considers the common interest of the state.

Given the complexity of the issues at hand and the varied constituencies of voters who will decide the gaming question, this is a prudent move. However, amid the ensuing difficult debate, it would be wise for the Catholic Church to reconsider what happens in the parish hall.

It’s a highly personal option for Catholic voters who want to reconcile the Pope’s advice with the sense of community and compassion they get from bingo.

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They are part of Canada’s universal health care system. Prior to the establishment of public health care in the 1950s and 1960s, religious groups may have paid for land and facilities for Catholic clinics. Today, however, Catholic hospitals receive the same funding as non-Catholic hospitals. This includes salaries, equipment, and energy costs. In addition, hospitals generate funds for extras such as additional wings and better equipment. Both Catholic and secular hospitals are supervised by the same provincial legislation. This requires them to report obligations, hiring standards, and other details. On religious grounds, these regulations allow faith-based hospitals to reject certain services.

Patients frequently wind up in a Catholic health care facility simply because it is the closest one. This is different to those who attend Catholic schools, which their parents chose for faith-based schooling. Many Canadians are unaware of which hospitals are Catholic and which are not. A patient who goes for an MRI or an appendectomy would have the same experience as if they went to any other publicly financed hospital. On the other hand, patients may be informed that they can’t have an abortion or have their tubes tied.

Patients are frequently redirected or transported to different institutions in these situations. This can lengthen the wait for the service they want and be inconvenient and painful for those who are sick. Patients are frequently unaware that they have been denied care because of restrictions stated in a 119-page Health Ethics Guide; a paper which restricts the procedures and treatments performed at Catholic-run facilities. However, healthcare personnel see how these rules harm patients on a regular basis.

How can hospitals be allowed to prohibit access on religious grounds in a society where everyone has access to health care?

They’re also raising these issues in a society that is significantly less religious than it was decades ago. It is a country that is far more accepting of reproductive health care and assisted death. The percentage of Canadians who say they have a religious affiliation has decreased from 90% in 1985 to 68% in 2019. The number of Catholics in Canada has decreased from almost half in the 1970s to just over a third today. Almost 80% of Canadians support abortion access, while over 90% approve of medical help in death.

Catholic hospitals have a long tradition of helping marginalized urban populations, and they accomplish a lot of good work. St. Michael’s Hospital was the first hospital in Canada to establish a research program focused on the connection between health and inequity in 1998. Its Centre for Urban Health Solutions is currently testing strategies to help people find permanent housing. One of the aims is to limit COVID-19 exposure in shelters and more.

There are however tensions between institutions and their workers.

Many doctors have to invent new ways to abide by the regulations.

Many have expressed their displeasure at the prospect of being reprimanded or, worse, not being able to offer the treatment their patients require. Some examples include a nurse at St. Paul’s hospital who contacted a local clinic to inquire if an injectable contraceptive medicine might be given to a high-risk patient. To escape discovery by the administration, a family doctor at St. Michael’s wrote a prescription for the abortion pill on paper rather than in the patient’s computerized chart. One doctor advised her patient to tell anyone who asked why they were getting their tubes tied that it was to lower their chance of ovarian cancer. This was done specifically not to mention the real reason. to avoid pregnancy.

In 2021 there were reports of mass graves of indigenous children in connection with Catholic-owned residential schools. Health care workers questioned why governments continue to fund hospitals run by this same religious group. This is one of several reasons contributing to worker and doctor dissatisfaction. Women, who now have more of a voice than before, are among those who are demanding answers. Each year, more women than men enrol in medical school. This is a trend that has held since the 1990s.

Restrictions on contraception, miscarriages, and abortion care disproportionately impair uterine health at Catholic hospitals.

The legalization of medical assistance in dying (MAID) has intensified the tensions. Doctors are increasingly realizing that advocating for their patients’ and Canadians’ health is an important aspect of their job.

Contraceptive medication and procedures are a common source of conflict between medical professionals and Catholic institutions. Contraceptive medication is often not offered in Catholic hospital pharmacies for in-patients. An exception is for a non-contraceptive purpose. IUDs and contraceptive operations are also only permitted for broader health reasons. These include preventing severe bleeding or avoiding a high-risk pregnancy following a C-section; this would be granted on a case-by-case basis. Contraceptive gatekeeping, according to health care experts, has the greatest impact on patients who engage in survival sex. This is sex in exchange for food, drugs, housing, or other fundamental needs. These patients usually only seek health care in emergency situations.

Leaving aside the violation of reproductive rights the notion that contraceptive procedures are medically required for some but not for others is a logical fallacy. Unplanned pregnancy is always more dangerous to one’s health than contraception. When it comes to sexual assault, the restrictions on contraceptive care are extremely concerning. Many Catholic hospitals do not have emergency contraception on hand for survivors of sexual assault. Patients are either transferred to another facility or external sexual-assault nurses are summoned to visit and give Plan B. For example, some assault survivors refuse to have a sexual-assault nurse examine them. This may mean they leave without receiving emergency contraception.

When it comes to abortion policies, Catholic hospitals are very consistent.

They don’t allow elective abortions or even prescriptions for abortion pills that can be filled elsewhere. However, if a woman could die or suffer harm in the time it would take to transfer her somewhere, they will authorize medically necessary terminations. If a woman is in immediate danger, health staff can make this decision. But if she isn’t, they must get clearance from the hospital ethicist and, in some cases, the local priest.

Many health care experts claim that the people who need medical assistance in dying are the ones who are most hurt by limitations at Catholic hospitals.

In Canada, Catholic hospitals don’t allow the operation, and patients can’t normally just get up and take a cab to the next hospital. Some patients have suffered as a result of Catholic health facilities’ refusal to provide MAID.

Many legal experts and health-access campaigners feel that a challenge based on the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which safeguards equality and bodily autonomy, would be unsuccessful. If a patient successfully argues that restricting MAID, abortion, or other services on the premises of Catholic hospitals violates the Charter, Catholic hospitals may be forced to perform those procedures.

Individual health-care employees have the right to refuse to provide some services based on their conscience. But institutions may not have the same right. Hospitals would have to demonstrate not just that they have religious rights, but that these rights transcend patients’ rights to be treated fairly.

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Another survey on Black Catholics, like the Pew Center’s Report is desperately required. Both are likely to be remembered as seminal works. The report from 2021 discusses topics that are particular to African-Americans. These include the function of the Black church. The outcome is a ground-breaking study that examines religion among Black Americans in a way that no other large poll has done before. Pew researchers were able to delve deeply into the diversity of the Black religious experience in the United States. They conducted analyses of groups that are often left out of such discussions; such as African immigrants, religiously unaffiliated people, and Black Catholics. This was thanks to the survey’s large, representative sample of over 8,000 respondents.

From the beginning of the project, Black Catholics were on the research team’s radar. They played a critical part in the emphasis of Black Catholic experiences, beliefs, and attitudes.

Black Catholics in America, was released on March 15 and looks at Black Catholics in the context of a larger Catholic debate.

There hasn’t been any research that does all of this at once for academics, practitioners, and people of good intent who are simply interested in learning more. It’s a very complex study.

According to a new survey, Catholicism is practiced by 6% of Black Americans. While this is a small number, it nevertheless equates to approximately 3 million Black Catholics in the United States. If the discourse about what it means to be Catholic in the United States is to be inclusive, millions of people must be involved. Furthermore, we discover from this study that 20% of Black Americans born in Sub-Saharan Africa and 15% of Black Americans born in the Caribbean identify as Catholic. But only 5% of Black Americans born in the United States do. These figures demonstrate that Black Catholics in the United States are not a homogeneous group.

Scholars, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, as well as dioceses and parishes, should look into these statistics. When ministering to Black Catholics and developing pastoral strategies, church officials must bear this in mind. Scholars, too, must incorporate this information into their work. Interestingly only 17% of Black Catholics attend a mostly Black church.

The study’s findings can and should help scholars as well as national, diocesan, and parish leaders. The large scope of the report provides data that a qualitative researcher simply couldn’t collect.

Only 41% of Black Catholics say they’ve heard a speech on race in the year leading up to the study.

Only 31% say they’d heard a speech on political engagement in the same time frame. The recent reckoning on institutional racism has proven that it is long past time for the church to consider racism as a pro-life issue. T hese findings serve as a wake-up call. 77% of Black Catholics claimed resistance to racism is vital to what being Christian means to them but only 41% said they had heard a sermon on race in the twelve months leading up to the study.

Many Black Catholics are not receiving a message at Mass that they recognize as crucial to their faith.

The majority of the data was gathered before the reckoning around systemic racism began in the aftermath of George Floyd’s murder in 2020. The numbers will lead to a loss of Black Catholics if they don’t see the church fighting for racial equality. According to the research, 46% of Black adults who were raised as Catholic no longer actually identify as such. The aforementioned gap between what Black Catholics hear at Mass and what they feel to be fundamental to being a Christian may help explain why so many Black Catholics quit the church.

The problem is made worse by the outcomes for young adults.

According to the study 46% of Black young adults in Generation Z attend religious services either seldomly or never.

The church’s credibility has already been harmed by the sex abuse epidemic, which has spanned generations. This reality, combined with Pew’s finding that nearly half of all young Black American adults attend religious services either occasionally or never, should serve as a warning to Church leaders that immediate action is required.

The United States Bishops’ Conference has been hosting “Journeying Together” meetings. These are a continuing series of activities for young adults and those who minister to them.  While this is a meaningful action aimed at young adults, it just goes out to those who are currently active in the church. Evangelization must be addressed towards young adults who are not or are only moderately involved in the church. Refusing to engage this group critically will not bode well for the long-term viability of parishes and schools.

Black Catholics in America and Faith Among Black Americans are significant steps toward ending the marginalization of Black Catholics. It gives much-needed info about Black Catholics, who are frequently left out of analyses of African-American religious attitudes and experiences, and who are underrepresented in Catholic discourse. This research is a call to action for both academics and church leaders. It demonstrates that, like the rest of the church, Black Catholics are not a homogeneous group. The church’s future hinges on our ability to minister and develop policies based on a deeper grasp of this.

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He made unscripted remarks during his weekly audience about the challenges that parents encounter when raising children and urged them to not hide behind an attitude of condemnation.

He has previously stated that homosexuals have the right to be recognized as children and siblings by their families.

While the Church cannot embrace same-sex marriage, the pope has stated that the Church can support civil union legislation for gay couples. This provides gay spouses joint rights in areas such as pensions, medical services, and inheritance.

Last year, the Vatican’s doctrinal office issued a statement. It stated that Catholic priests can’t bless same-gender marriages; a decision that angered homosexual Catholics.

In certain countries, such as the United States and Germany, churches and ministers have begun to bless same-sex unions. These are a substitute for marriage and have prompted calls for bishops to just formalize them somehow.

The pope has issued notes of appreciation to priests and nuns who minister to gay Catholics.

Conservatives in the 1.3 billion-member Church claim that the pope is sending inconsistent messages on homosexuality, confounding some of the faithful.

In preparation for a Vatican summit in 2023 on the Church’s future path, a Vatican department apologized for causing grief to the whole LGBTQ community. This happened when a link was removed in reference to material from a Catholic homosexual rights advocacy group from its website.

After criticism on social media, the website of the Synod of Bishops issued an apology and reinstated the link.

The link led to a webinar hosted by New Ways Ministry, a nonprofit organization based in the United States. It serves LGBTQ Catholics who feel excluded or stigmatized by the Church.

While gay tendencies are not sinful, homosexual behaviors are, according to the Catholic Church.

The Vatican’s website reversal is the latest example of the Vatican sending contradictory messages regarding the role Catholic gays can play in the Church.

The synod’s communications manager, Thierry Bonaventura, accepted personal responsibility for the removal of the links. He blamed internal procedural reasons on the synod’s website.

The pope acknowledged it caused pain to the whole LGBTQ community, which felt left out once again. He then apologised for the hurt caused to all LGBTQ individuals and members of the New Ways Ministry.”

The 2023 synod has the potential to revolutionize the way the Roman Catholic Church makes decisions. It could leave a lasting effect long after Pope Francis’ pontificate ends for gay members.

Proponents consider the campaign as a way to shift the Church’s power dynamics. It could give lay Catholics, particularly women and those on the fringes, a stronger voice.

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Boric is known for his numerous tattoos, heavy metal gear, and floppy hair. He also made time to see Tánaiste Leo Varadkar on the same day that the once staunchly Catholic country passed marriage equality legislation.

Boric has risen quickly to the top of one of Latin America’s wealthiest but most unequal countries.

His astute campaign repeated much of the rhetoric of his student protests, with calls that Chile be rebuilt with the people’s concerns at its heart.

The transition has changed a formerly quite Catholic and conservative culture to a more progressive, inclusive, and multicultural country.

Santiago’s street life is vibrant and youthful. Graffiti, much of it political, is a common sight. Young and old alike appreciate the traditional Chilean pisco liquor.

Chile was the poster child of Latin America’s modernizing after many years of tyranny. The story, new ambassadors were taught, was dull: just political stability and growth. However, Tomás González Olavarra, the founder of the democracy NGO Tribu, claims that the country’s stability has concealed major divisions rooted in Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship.

Much of the disparity is attributed to the dictator’s economic policies and constitution. These were created in part by the so-called Chicago Boys; a group of US-educated economists who promoted neoliberalism.

According to critics, the constitutional wording states that the government only intervenes when the private sector fails.

As a result, while Chile’s economic development has been remarkable, averaging 5% per year between 1990 and 2018, inequality has reached new heights. Nearly 30% of income is concentrated in the top 1% of the population. Natural resources are mined in the rural north and south, and revenues are funneled to wealthier Santiago barrios. Thus leaving local communities poor and without access to clean water.

Following a student-led protest against metro fare hikes, these divisions spilled onto the streets in late 2019.

More than 1.2 million people took to the streets of Santiago to protest socioeconomic inequity.

Demands inluded President Sebastián Piera’s resignation, resulting in a social uprising, or estallido social.

Some of the protesters chanted that Chile was the cradle of neoliberalism and Chile would be its tomb.

Chao, Chicago is a common graffiti phrase that can be found on the streets of Santiago and other parts of the country.

The ruling centre and centre-right parties, which had long held power in the country, were shaken by the demonstration. As a result, a constitutional convention was elected to revise the Pinochet-era constitution.

For the first time in Chilean history, the assembly had an equal number of women and men, as well as a quota for native Chileans.

Because there were independent lists, numerous non-political party candidates ran. Some were long-time campaigners and intellectuals, while others were political activists caught up in the rebellion. Few had political experience, and they had only 12 months to come up with a new constitution and write it.

The work, like the divisions, is massive. Auguste Conte’s far-right party accounts for fewer than 5% of the vote. But even the centre-right government parties that have long dominated Chilean politics account for less than 30% of the vote.

The goal for many encompasses the human right to water and housing, as well as environmental preservation. Just recently the convention passed a resolution in favor of animal rights.

The focus is also on political power decentralization and a current understanding of human rights.

The work at hand is enormous. Much is in the hands of the convention’s 114 disjointed and frequently feuding members. The convention’s existing vice presidents will be key to its success.

As one might anticipate in a country as devoted to its laws and bureaucracy as Chile, the procedure is lengthy. The parliament meets in the historic congress buildings in the heart of Santiago. There it votes on up to 150 proposals per hour; the vast majority of which never see the light of day. One day, for example, 400 environmental suggestions were reduced to six in a single day.

Some are concentrating efforts on the impending referendum campaign. The centre-right MPs in Congress face a slew of issues; but a defeat provides an opportunity to give the newly installed Boric a blow.

The battle lines for the referendum are already being set, and fear of change is apparent in this ultra-centralised and polarised country.

Because of the magnitude of the concerns, a radical rewrite of the constitution is unavoidable.

Of course, with such a large-scale problem, there will be a lot that no one will like.

There are already hints of a No vote. The regional focus is an issue for some, particularly the business community. They fear even more red tape, and many Chileans dread a wholly separate bureaucracy, thereby paving the road for federalism.

A vote to allow native areas to have their own civil law in accordance with their culture has been received with particularly strong opposition.

Others believe the issue is the lack of rights accorded to native Mapuche and Quecha peoples, who make up about 14% of the population. A decision to establish separate civil law in native communities in accordance with their culture has been faced with particularly strong opposition. There have been accusations that native people will be prioritized; a situation that seems impossible given the current state of degradation in which many now live.

Indeed, several ideas for gender equality appear to be welcomed with similar fears that women will be prioritized over men.

The main No argument might be that it’s all too soon, and that the process should be more gradual. For the activists and people on the streets who voted 80-20 in favor of creating a new constitution, however, this would be a betrayal. It would simply be a method for the elite to maintain their domination and deny fundamental social and economic rights to broad swaths of the populace.

The Yes campaign wants to emphasize the message of hope that this is a new spring for all Chileans. Some are also fighting for referendums to update the wording or engage voters ahead of future revisions. They hope it will ensure that this is a living document.

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The Department of Education is investigating the controversy. The school’s obligations under the Equality Act are to ensure that everyone has the right to be treated with decency and respect.

Prior to the ban the author Simon James Green was scheduled to speak at John Fisher; a voluntary aided Catholic school in Croydon.

It was an event where he was to speak about being an unhappy teenager; the power of comedy and his career. It also included an 8-minute part about the necessity of LGBT representation. The school was hoping for it to happen, but the church had other ideas.

According to letters two of the foundation governors resigned as a result of the row. Southwark’s Education Commission also dismissed the remaining foundation governors.

The Catholic Education Service has made a firm statement that appears to be in opposition to Southwark in a pretty significant move.

Catholic schools accept students from all backgrounds according to the CES.

This one-off occurrence gave the impression that Catholic schools are not all-inclusive.

As a place where all students should thrive, Catholic schools have a zero-tolerance policy for LGBT+ discrimination. The CES has collaborated with schools, parishes, and charities around the country to create Catholic inclusiveness guidance. The tools for schools have received praise from LGBT+ organizations.

They encourage Catholic schools to collaborate closely with their dioceses. They want to ensure that all Catholic schools are welcoming and inclusive places of learning.

The controversy developed after the website Catholic Truth Scotland released a post on the author’s upcoming visit to the school.

It included a copy of the author’s letter to parents and caregivers about the visit which stated that the visit was related to World Book Day and LGBT+ history month.

Dr Simon Hughes, the diocesan director of education, has written to the school’s governors. He states that Archbishop Wilson fully endorses the actions he has taken. Objections regarding the event had apparently inundated the archbishop’s office. Many of them expressed a very clear sense that the scheduled event is potentially insulting to parents, former students, and wider members of the Catholic community. He believed the incident has tarnished the school, the Church, and its entire historical tradition.

He went on to say that it was regrettable that the governing body agreed to allow the school to continue with the event. Hughes believes the foundation governors are the guardians of the school’s legacy and represent the archbishop.

A Department of Education spokesman confirmed that they were investigating the circumstances surrounding the ban of the author.

All primary school students must take relationships education. And all secondary school students must learn about relationships and sex education.

With regard to their responsibilities under the Equality Act, schools should teach students that everyone has the right to be treated with decency and respect.

Schools with a religious background should educate their faith ideas about sex and relationships but they must also teach what the law requires.

In keeping with the Catholic faith, schools in the trusteeship or purview of the Archdiocese of Southwark are expected to welcome, protect, and care for all pupils.

This is according to a position statement posted on the diocesan education commission’s website. They should integrate pupils regardless of their unique or individual traits, circumstances, or needs.

The schools strongly discourage bullying of any kind. Furthermore, the schools must provide a relationship and sex education program that complies with the Equalities Act 2010.

They claim not to advocate any particular program of study or textbook. However, they encourage schools to employ materials tried and tested against these two fundamental frameworks. This is to help pupils to learn about this crucial component of human development. From time to time, materials or events emerge for consideration that is outside the scope of what is permissible in a Catholic school. Normally because they do not meet all of the above-mentioned tests.

At the heart of every Catholic school stands the Lord Jesus Christ and the teachings of the Catholic Church the diocese has stated. He expects all Catholic schools to uphold the Church’s teaching on the truth and dignity of human beings. This teaching shouldn’t promote a culture of prejudice or discrimination.

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Being a devout Catholic in an age of political tribalism is difficult.

It is easy to be drawn to certain viewpoints and positions. Usually merely because it appears like the wrong people hold the opposing ones.

Maybe if Donald Trump had supported mask mandates in April 2020 some would have likely labeled the policy fascist. Especially if right-wing entrepreneurs had started manufacturing and hawking masks with images of American flags and guns on them. 

But what should a conscientious person do when their natural desire to see justice done is tempered by substantial doubts about the moralities of it? In the example of the #MeToo movement it is undoubtedly a noble goal but falls short of addressing core causes. Critical race theory is a concept that provides an explanation for ongoing social injustice. However it contrasts with other long-held Catholic social teaching principles.

Catholics should offer support, encouragement, care, and guidance to these victims of sexual assault and harassment.

There’s a key lesson in that the church has had to learn in the aftermath of its own abuse crisis. People in positions of power who are not moderated by legal scrutiny, societal custom, or acquired virtue are unlikely to treat those over whom they have influence with dignity and respect. Catholics however believe that sex is sacred. They believe it is not treated with respect by a popular culture which renders it as just another transaction.

There is a trend that has sprung up among some parents. It is as a result of disagreements over public school curricula that deal with race relations. Democratic nominee Terry McAuliffe said that he didn’t think that parents should be instructing schools on what they should teach. He said this during one of Virginia’s governorship debates in 2021. He was alluding to parents who spoke out against curricula regarding critical race theory.

Critical race theory is a social philosophy. It claims that the legal application of traditional and long-held liberal beliefs cannot eliminate systemic racism. American institutions were founded on white supremacy. As they are irredeemably racist in their composition they need complete reform.

Many Catholics grew up under the influence of the traditional civil rights narrative.

The civil rights movement’s main accomplishment was to extend help those who had been unjustly denied them from the start. For these parents, racial justice is achieved through the application of traditional liberal ideals.

Catholics hearing about critical race theory for the first time can be rather taken aback. It can explain why people’s reactions are sometimes so visceral. Nobody likes it when they’re long held beliefs are actually no longer relevant.

Critical race theory, however illustrates that a legal system is is only as good as the institutions that enforce it. Pope Francis points out that some people are citizens with full rights; however they can still be considered as outsiders in their own country.

Catholics may not be guilty of bad intent. The traditions, underlying beliefs, and inherited prejudices could very well be sources of injustice however. It is possible for the church to absorb what is good from critical race theory. All the while not jeopardizing Catholic moral theology.

Evaluating the legitimacy and defects of secular social movements and causes can be hard if you’re Catholic. Especially when it differs from teachings and belief systems. It is a lot easier to simply accept the statements of one’s political or religious group without question.

For the sake of our common good, we owe each other to look at things from every angle before passing judgement.

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